By
August Hutchinson
Railroad companies
certainly didn’t want to dissuade paying passengers from taking journeys on the
rails. Non-paying passengers, like hobos, were a different story. Not only were
they stealing transportation, but railroad companies considered them hazardous
- on more than one occasion, a hobo cut an automatic air brake hose to make an
unscheduled stop for himself. Hostile railroad police sometimes pushed them off
of the moving trains, and many of them
were crushed by shifting loads of freight or died from trying to jump onto or
off of cars.
Illegal Travelers didn't all ride inside the cars. Many, like this man, rode on a car's underbelly framework. |
Behaving, paying
passengers didn’t usually worry about being pitched off a moving train by the
railroad police, but they did run the risk of being pitched into a river
because of inherent weaknesses in bridges. On 7 August 1904, Denver & Rio
Grande No. 11 was chugging through Colorado. It approached a simple timber
frame trestle bridge, 110-B, which was judged to be “weak and in bad
condition.” Earlier that day, the raging water below had torn an even weaker
bridge from its spot, parts of which rammed into 110-B and weakened it further.
So when No. 11 tried to cross, 110-B collapsed and it plunged into the torrent
below. Eighty-eight people died.
In many cases, bridges
like 110-B were classified as weak because they hadn’t been restructured to
accommodate the increasing size of trains. According to an 1885 report from
Engineering News, one bridge on the Central New Jersey, with an allowable
stress of 10,000 psi, was subjected to loads of 22,000 psi. Many other
railroads suffered similar problems, the report said, because they used old
trusses from mid-century. After all, they liked to economize.
Bridge Calamities like this transpired when a hefty train crossed a not-so-hefty bridge, and when bridges were poorly built or maintenanced. |
Some bridge builders
also had an economizing impulse, or simply lacked skill. Most bridges built
before the Civil War were either constructed by the railroads themselves or
unsupervised contractors. Sometimes, neither group boasted much skill or
expertise, though the B&O’s Carrolton Viaduct proves that such traits did exist
in the early days. During the Civil War, railroad repair crews gained lots of
experience by frantically repairing/rebuilding bridges attacked by the enemy.
The B&O’s financial records confirm this: in the last four full fiscal
years of the 1850s, they their average annual bridge expenditure was $40,900,
but in the four fiscal years during the war it was $135,775. Then during the
sixties, large bridge-building companies, like Phoenix Iron, emerged. They were
heavily contracted but rarely supervised, so there was, in the words of Mark
Aldrich, “no incentive save reputation for the contractor to perform honestly
or competently.” As a result, many low-quality bridges were produced. It
wouldn’t be until the 1870s that many railroads would systematically supervise
the companies.
Bad maintenance also
plagued railroad bridges. Rotted wooden beams, assert a number of post-accident
reports, often caused or contributed to bridge collapses. It turns out that
railroad managers sometimes knew beforehand about the deteriorated condition of
a bridge that collapsed. Some companies (particularly the Erie and the Buffalo,
Rochester & Pittsburgh) responded to the problem of maintenance failures by
requiring thorough and frequent bridge inspections, followed by detailed reports
and, when necessary, action. But many railroads did not follow suit and/or
procrastinated about fixing problems, at least according to one expert, who
wrote in 1891 that all too many railroads waited until bridges were at the
point of collapse before undertaking repairs.
In a few states, like
New York, ‘soft regulation’ (the application of public pressure instead of laws
and rules to urge compliance with certain standards) successfully improved
bridges. In January 1884, the state’s railroad commission requested accurate
drawings of and other information on every railroad bridge in the state. It
then hired bridge inspector Charles Stowell to assess the bridges and report
needed changes. A number of companies reinforced their bridges ahead of time to
protect themselves from bad press, and many others took action after Stowell’s
1,600 page report displayed and disparaged the unsound conditions of most of
the bridges. Vermont engaged in similar soft regulation and achieved similar
results, but such a positive impact didn’t reverberate far beyond the borders
of the few states that took action.
Railroads that didn’t
heavily care for their routes weren’t even prepared to deal with wooden bridge
fires, which could be caused by anything from lightning to locomotive sparks.
At the very least, bridges would be equipped with some water pails upon
construction; at most, railroads focus on building iron bridges in lieu of
wooden ones. Thankfully, iron was growing in popularity. On a national level,
by 1889, there were ~737,000 wooden bridges and only ~30,000 iron ones. But the
vast majority (~722,000) of those wooden bridges were under twenty feet long;
in the twenty feet and over category, iron bridges outnumbered wooden bridges
by ~24,000 to ~15,000.
Small wooden bridges should
not be discounted, though, for they could be just as deadly as much longer
ones. Take the example of a fifteen-foot long wooden bridge over a culvert in
Chatsworth, Illinois. Accounts differ on whether or not the bridge was still on
fire when a Toledo, Peoria & Western train tried to cross it, but at the
very least it had sustained serious fire damage and collapsed under the train;
eighty people were killed.
Come
back next Monday for A Dangerous Ride - Installment Six. You’ll learn about fire hazards to
passengers, the campaign against them, and the development of technologies that
made passengers safer.
Write
to August at write2hutchinson@aol.com
Great readinng your blog post
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